The Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee—one of the Party’s most important political gatherings—has concluded in Beijing. But reports of infighting and abrupt personnel changes continue to ripple through the regime’s upper ranks.
Among the latest casualties are Zhong Shaojun, Xi Jinping’s long-time aide and former Political Commissar of the National Defense University, and Wang Renhua, Secretary of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission (PLAC) under the Central Military Commission (CMC). Zhong has been replaced by Lieutenant General Xia Zhihui, while Wang has been erased from official listings—confirming his downfall.
Analysts warn that if Xi can no longer shield his closest confidants, it raises a more alarming question: can he still protect himself?
Xi’s closest aide quietly removed
The first confirmation of Zhong Shaojun’s removal came not from Chinese state media but from an unusual source: the official website of China’s Embassy in North Korea.
On Oct. 25, the embassy hosted a reception marking the 75th anniversary of the People’s Liberation Army’s overseas combat operations. The event’s report listed Lieutenant General Xia Zhihui—not Zhong—as Political Commissar of the National Defense University.
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Hong Kong’s Sing Tao Headline News subsequently confirmed Xia’s promotion, effectively signaling Zhong’s dismissal.
According to public records, Xia previously held a series of political commissar posts across China’s naval and academic institutions, including the Naval Command Academy and the Eastern Theater Command Navy.
Zhong, by contrast, had been at the core of Xi’s personal network for nearly two decades. He followed Xi from Zhejiang to Shanghai to Beijing, serving as his military secretary and gatekeeper. After Xi’s rise to the Politburo Standing Committee in 2012, Zhong was parachuted into the CMC General Office as deputy director and later promoted to major general. In 2024, he became Political Commissar of the National Defense University—until his sudden replacement this month.
The last public trace of Zhong appeared on Aug. 19, 2025, in a Singaporean Ministry of Defense Facebook post showing him meeting visiting officials in Beijing. The photo was swiftly censored in China, triggering speculation over his fate.
If Xi can’t protect him, who can he protect?
Chinese commentator Cai Shenkun wrote on X (formerly Twitter) that Zhong’s removal shocked even seasoned Party observers.
“Early rumors had him moving up—to the Political Work Department or even the CMC itself,” Cai noted. “Instead, he was quietly dismissed and reportedly retired from active service. For the youngest Central Committee member, this premature exit speaks volumes.”
Cai emphasized the strangeness of how the news surfaced—through an overseas embassy notice rather than official Chinese media. “Zhong was once indispensable to Xi,” he said. “If he’s gone, there’s no one left in the military that Xi truly trusts.”
He also pointed to mounting rumors of corruption investigations tied to Zhong’s promotion process, including allegations that his mother profited from a “golden tea” business in Zhejiang leveraging his influence. “It’s uncertain whether Zhong will land safely,” Cai warned. “If Xi can’t protect those closest to him, how can he safeguard himself in the two years remaining of his term?”
Zhong’s ouster coincided with another major fall: Wang Renhua, a senior member of the CCP’s Political and Legal Affairs Commission and Secretary of the CMC’s PLAC.
Wang was conspicuously absent from the Fourth Plenary Session, one of at least 18 missing military delegates. On October 25, the CCP’s official “China Chang’an Net” quietly updated its leadership page—deleting Wang’s name from the roster.
Wang’s absence follows months of speculation. In May, anti-communist blogger Jiang Wangzheng revealed on X that Wang and Zhang Hongbing, Political Commissar of the People’s Armed Police, were under investigation.
Political commentator Li Yanming said Wang’s downfall likely links to the broader purge involving former top generals Miao Hua and He Weidong, both Xi loyalists.
Former Armed Police Commander Wang Chunning, another PLAC member, was already among the nine generals publicly dismissed on October 17. With Wang Renhua’s removal, the once-feared Political and Legal Affairs Commission—long responsible for “stability maintenance” and repression—has lost two of its military members. Only five senior officials now remain besides Secretary Chen Wenqing and Deputy Secretary Wang Xiaohong.
Profiles in decline
Born in 1961, Wang Renhua rose through the ranks of the PLA’s political departments, eventually becoming Vice Admiral and Secretary of the CMC’s PLAC in 2019. His trajectory mirrored that of many Xi-era promotions—rapid ascent, followed by a sudden fall.
At the Fourth Plenum, 168 full Central Committee members and 147 alternates attended, but 22 full members and 14 alternates were absent. The session’s communiqué confirmed the expulsion of 14 officials, including nine generals hand-picked by Xi himself.
Li Yanming noted that the unusual absence of 36 members—and the failure to replace eight alternates, as Party convention dictates—suggests intensified internal conflict. “This foreshadows a post-plenum purge,” he said.
Li and other analysts highlight the symbolic timing of Zhong Shaojun’s removal and Wang Renhua’s disappearance—both immediately following the plenum.
Zhong, who long served as Xi’s chief of staff within the Central Military Commission, has been viewed as the key barometer of Xi’s actual control over the armed forces. His dismissal, coupled with Wang’s downfall, underscores how far Xi’s military influence has deteriorated.
Adding to the intrigue, Lieutenant General Fang Yongxiang, Zhong’s successor as Director of the CMC General Office, has not been seen publicly for months. Reports earlier this year suggested Fang was reassigned or possibly investigated.
U.S.-based analyst Chen Pokong argues that the regime is trying to conceal these collapses “to save face for Xi.”
“All three of Xi’s chiefs of staff—Qin Shengxiang, Zhong Shaojun, and Fang Yongxiang—are now gone,” Chen said. “With most of his promoted generals purged, Xi’s once-formidable military network has crumbled. His personal guard has fallen.”
By Li Jingyao
