By Li Jingyao, Vision Times
Former Jilin Party Secretary Jing Junhai — long rumored to have been taken away for investigation — unexpectedly surfaced on Nov. 17 during a highly publicized visit to his alma mater, Xidian University (Xi’an University of Electronic Science and Technology).
But instead of exhibiting a united front with leader Xi Jinping, analysts say the appearance exposed glaring inconsistencies and may indicate that Jing is “walking his final road” before being sent to the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) most notorious detention center: Qincheng Prison. In an unusual breach of protocol, observers also noticed that no senior Shaanxi provincial officials appeared alongside him, a sign that local authorities are “no longer fear giving face to the Xi family.”
In China, the term “saving face” refers to the deeply-rooted practice of showing deference and respect to powerful figures or elderly family members. “Losing face” means suffering public embarrassment, diminished status, or the perception of weakened authority.
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An unexpected campus visit
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On Nov. 17, Xidian University’s official news portal announced that: “Jing Junhai, deputy chair of the National People’s Congress Education, Science, Culture and Public Health Committee, visited the university to conduct special research on artificial intelligence legislation. He was accompanied by University President Gao Xinbo, Vice President Liu Hongwei, and Party Committee Standing Member and Office Director Cai Gushun.”
Three photos of Jing were then published with the brief statement. But the appearance came as a surprise. On Nov. 11, anti-CCP commentator Jiang Wangzheng reported that Jing Junhai had been “taken away by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection” and was being transferred to the Beidaihe Training Center for interrogation.
RELATED: Xi Loyalist Jing Junhai Reportedly Detained By the CCDI as Investigators Close In
According to Jiang, leaked information from the CCDI accused Jing of abusing his influence to facilitate personnel promotions and project acquisitions in Xi’an, Xi’an’s High-Tech Zone, and the Xixian New Area. But Jiang noted that the core allegation is that Jing acted as a political shield for Xi Jinping’s younger brother, Xi Yuanping, known in Shaanxi under aliases such as “Bai Yu” and “Boss Bai.”
Additional rumors circulated online, claiming Jing had been questioned and temporarily released — before this sudden campus reappearance.
A ‘final public appearance’
Commentator Tang Jingyuan said the timing and location were not accidental. Jing graduated from Xidian University and previously taught there, creating an emotional link. “Choosing this place for research carries a sense of looking back on the past — a ‘if only I had known’ sentiment,” Tang said.
However, he also stressed that such appearances are not signs of political safety, but the opposite: “People may think revisiting one’s alma mater is returning home in glory, but this is exactly the illusion the CCP wants the public to believe. Once a person under investigation suddenly appears at their alma mater, it’s usually a very bad sign.”
Tang referenced a near-identical pattern: On Oct. 1, 2013, Zhou Yongkang, then rumored to be under investigation, appeared smiling at the China University of Petroleum for its 60th anniversary. Media even noted how frequently he praised Xi Jinping in his speech, and many interpreted the event as reassurance that he was “safe.”
Two months later, CCP insiders revealed the Party had formally approved an investigation. By the next year’s Two Sessions, Zhou had fallen.
Exiled political commentator Chen Pokong reached the same conclusion: “Jing Junhai is following Zhou Yongkang’s pattern — a final public appearance before entering Qincheng. He is not safe.”
No longer saving face
Another unusual detail drew attention: As a full ministerial-rank official, Jing should have been accompanied by at least a Shaanxi provincial NPC vice chair or a vice governor overseeing education and science. Instead, he was met only by university administrators.
“It seems local officials are avoiding him like the plague,” said Tang. “This shows the rumors of his investigation are not fake — and that his identity as Xi Yuanping’s loyal subordinate remains fully recognized.”
He added, “If the Xi family still held firm influence in Shaanxi, local officials would have rushed to accompany Jing. Showing up for him would be a way to show loyalty to Xi Yuanping and the Xi clan — not to Jing himself.”
Tang also suggested Jing’s appearance may have been carefully controlled: “This was likely a supervised outing. The investigation into him clearly hasn’t ended, and he is now in a ‘show up when called’ state.” Jing’s relative safety thus far may be linked to his having stepped away from frontline power.
‘Clearing the emperor’s inner circle’
Chen Pokong argued that Jing’s case fits into a larger pattern: the systematic unraveling of Xi Jinping’s political network. He noted that Xi’s allies across multiple systems have been destabilized:
- Military: Zhang Youxia moved to purge Xi’s supporters; generals He Weidong, Miao Hua, and nine other top officers have already fallen.
- Party apparatus: Top Xi loyalists Cai Qi and Wang Xiaohong have both “disappeared” from public view.
- Provincial leadership: Jing Junhai, a long-time subordinate tied to Xi Yuanping’s network, is now under suspicion.
Chen summarized this as: “Cai Qi, Wang Xiaohong, and Jing Junhai are all in abnormal situations. They are Xi’s core lieutenants — loyalists who followed him from Fujian 30 years ago. They are the closest of the close.”
He also pointed to a recent CCTV report on Zhang Youxia that contained two notable omissions: Zhang’s speech did not include the phrases “the two establishes” or “the two safeguards,” which are mandatory political affirmations of Xi’s supremacy.
The broadcast aired Zhang’s original voice, signaling political independence rather than submission. “Zhang Youxia is using Xi’s name to attack Xi’s own faction. In imperial terms, this is called ‘clearing the emperor’s inner court’ — targeting those around the emperor without yet touching the emperor himself,” said Chen.
The goal, he said, is to avoid sudden regime collapse while dismantling Xi’s power network piece by piece. “We cannot yet say what the final outcome will be for Cai Qi, Wang Xiaohong, or Jing Junhai. But the direction is becoming clear — the tide has turned,” he warned.
Chen added that the CCP’s sudden resurgence of anti-Japan rhetoric is another indicator: “These campaigns are used to mask intense internal conflict. The struggle could bring down Xi Jinping; if mishandled, it could even bring down the Party itself.”
Editorial note: Views expressed in this article are the opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Vision Times.
