By Li Jingyao, Vision Times
From Zhang Jianchun last year to Ma Xingrui and Liu Qingsong more recently, a growing number of members tied to Peng Liyuan’s so-called “Shandong Clique” have fallen from power. Analysts believe that since Shi Taifeng assumed leadership of the Central Organization Department, the political landscape has since shifted dramatically.
The 9th Central Inspection Group — led by former subordinates of late Premier Li Keqiang — has reportedly targeted officials connected to Peng Liyuan, Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s wife. With Xi’s political authority in decline, Peng’s influence has also waned, resulting in the near-total dismantling of her network both within the Party and the military.
A major purge
Xi presides over several power blocs collectively known as the “Xi family army.” These include the “Zhijiang New Army,” “Minjiang New Army,” “Northwest Army,” “Military-Industrial Faction,” “Tsinghua Clique,” “Pujiang New Army,” and Peng Liyuan’s own circle — the “Shandong Clique.”
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But over the past year, many of Peng’s Shandong allies have been dismissed or placed under investigation. The trend began after a key personnel reshuffle earlier this year: Shi Taifeng replaced Li Ganjie as head of the Organization Department, while Li was transferred to lead the United Front Work Department.
According to political commentator Chen Pokong, Shi’s appointment expanded his influence beyond organizational matters into anti-corruption and ideological control, overlapping with the functions of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI). Although formally led by Li Xi, the CCDI’s nationwide inspection teams are deployed through the Organization Department.
In July, the Ninth Inspection Group arrived in Shandong — Peng Liyuan’s political stronghold. Soon after, between July and September, a wave of purges hit Shandong officials, stretching from the provincial capital of Jinan to Peng’s hometown of Yuncheng County.
Is Ma Xingrui in peril?
One of the most prominent figures now under scrutiny is Ma Xingrui, the former Party Secretary of Xinjiang and long considered one of Peng Liyuan’s closest political allies. Ma’s strongest tie to Peng lies in their shared hometown — Yuncheng, Shandong Province. He has close relationships with Peng’s brother-in-law Xu Xingjian and former Organization Department Vice Minister Zhang Jianchun, and reportedly refers to Peng as “Big Sister.”
In 2016, Ma facilitated a Shenzhen state-owned enterprise’s purchase of Xu Xingjian’s failing insurance company for 4.2 billion yuan — and was elected Governor of Guangdong just three days later. The timing was widely seen as a textbook case of “political investment.”
On July 1, 2024, Chinese state media announced Ma’s removal as Xinjiang Party Secretary, with Chen Xiaojian taking over the position. Although Ma remains a Politburo member and continues to appear at national events, observers have noted his tense demeanor and visible unease — even sweating during official ceremonies.
Commentator Cai Shenkun revealed on X (formerly Twitter) that Ma has been reassigned to the Central Rural Work Leading Group and is “cooperating with investigators regarding his wife’s case.” Cai added, “His political career is effectively over.” Chen Pokong likewise described Ma as a “high-risk figure who could fall at any time.”
Peng Liyuan’s childhood friend sentenced to 14 years
Another fallen Shandong figure is Zhang Jianchun, former Vice Minister of the CCP’s Central Propaganda Department. On June 21, 2024, Zhang was detained for “serious disciplinary and legal violations.” On Sept. 16, 2025, the Langfang Intermediate People’s Court sentenced him to 14 years in prison for bribery.
Born in 1965 in Yuncheng City — Peng Liyuan’s hometown — Zhang was long rumored to be her close childhood friend. Commentators claim the two had known each other since youth and were only a few years apart in age.
Zhang’s career advanced rapidly: He served as Deputy Head of the Organization Department in Shandong before moving to Beijing as Deputy Minister of both the Organization and Propaganda Departments under Xi’s leadership.
According to Cai Shenkun, Zhang acted as Peng’s “eyes and ears” within the Party, providing her with confidential information about rival factions. He was reportedly promoted under Chen Xi’s patronage after Peng’s recommendation. During his tenure, Zhang engaged in extensive bribery and crony promotions before being discarded once his network became a liability.
As a result, both Zhang and Ma Xingrui, Peng’s two most trusted Shandong protégés, now face potential political repercussions.
Liu Qingsong missing from public view
Another key figure, Liu Qingsong, Political Commissar of the Eastern Theater Command, has also vanished from public appearances. On Sept. 30, during a memorial ceremony at Yuhuatai Martyrs Cemetery in Jiangsu Province, both Commander Lin Xiangyang and Commissar Liu were notably absent — breaking a long-standing annual tradition. Their absence strongly suggests disciplinary trouble.
Liu, born in 1963 in Zhangqiu, Shandong Province, previously served as Political Commissar of the Eastern Theater Navy and later of the Northern Theater Command before returning to the Eastern Theater in June 2023.
Defense Minister Dong Jun, from Yantai, Shandong, is another figure linked to Peng’s faction. Although he replaced Li Shangfu two years ago, Dong has yet to be promoted to either the Central Committee or the State Council — a delay analysts attribute to internal resistance. Whether he can advance at the upcoming Fourth Plenary Session remains uncertain.
Recently fallen Inner Mongolia Party Secretary Sun Shaocheng is also reportedly connected to the Shandong Clique. Commentator Tang Jingyuan described Sun as “a member of Peng Liyuan’s inner circle — part of her so-called ‘back-palace faction.’”
Wang Chunning under arrest
Another major name on the list is Wang Chunning, Commander of the People’s Armed Police and a native of Shandong Province. On Sept. 12, 2025, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee formally removed Wang from his post, confirming months of rumors about his detention.
Chinese analyst Wang Youqun noted that Wang’s transfer to the Armed Police had been arranged under the supervision of Political Work Department chief Miao Hua — himself now under investigation. “It’s likely that Wang bribed Miao,” Wang Youqun said, “and after Miao’s downfall, he implicated Wang as well.”
The 9th inspection group
Chen Pokong believes many of the purged Shandong officials were directly tied to Peng Liyuan. He further suggests that the Ninth Central Inspection Group, which initiated the crackdown, was staffed by former associates of late Premier Li Keqiang.
Its leader, Wang Xinzhe, once served as deputy director in the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology under Miao Wei, a high school classmate of Li Keqiang in Anhui. Li reportedly promoted Miao early in his career, and this old network appears to have resurfaced.
“In other words,” Chen said, “the current purge targeting Peng Liyuan’s Shandong faction is being executed by Li Keqiang’s old allies.”
Shi Taifeng’s appointment of Wang Xinzhe, he added, likely carries the backing of Party elders such as Hu Jintao. “Since the Third Plenary Session, a silent thunderstorm has been brewing inside Zhongnanhai,” Chen said, “and the Shandong Clique has become its first major casualty.”
Decline of Xi’s power and Peng’s status
The ongoing purge has swept through both civilian and military sectors, removing numerous Shandong-born generals and officials. Analysts interpret this as evidence of Xi Jinping’s weakening grip on power — and the parallel decline of Peng Liyuan’s influence.
In May 2024, a photo circulated online showing Peng visiting a university under the title “Full-Time Member of the Central Military Commission’s Cadre Evaluation Committee.” The label fueled speculation about her true military rank and raised public concern that Xi’s rule may be veering toward a “family dynasty” — echoing Mao’s era and the “Gang of Four.”