By Yin Hua, Vision Times
In a new development shaking China’s military establishment, the leaked defense statement of former Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) He Weidong has revealed explosive details about the fractured relationship between Xi Jinping, Zhang Youxia, and the military elite.
The disclosure, which comes just one week after the conclusion of the CCP’s Fourth Plenary Session, exposes how internal factional struggles, secret power alignments, and the existence of an alleged “private army” have thrown Beijing’s top military command into chaos.
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Generals purged in massive sweep
On Oct. 17, China’s Defense Ministry abruptly announced the expulsion of nine top generals from both the Party and the military, forwarding their cases to the military prosecution office for “serious disciplinary and criminal violations.”
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Those purged included high-ranking officers: He Weidong, Miao Hua (former head of the CMC’s Political Work Department), He Hongjun, Wang Xiubin, Lin Xiangyang, Qin Shutong, Yuan Huazhi, Wang Houbin, and Wang Chunning—a staggering blow to China’s top brass.
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The purge marks the largest single-day removal of active generals in CCP history. He, long viewed as a trusted Xi ally, had been abruptly sidelined for seven months after China’s Two Sessions in March 2025 before disappearing from public view. Miao Hua’s dismissal was followed by the quiet appointment of Zhang Shengmin to oversee the CMC’s political work.
Unusually, the Defense Ministry itself — not state mouthpiece Xinhua or the Politburo (China’s top ruling body) — issued the announcement, signaling that the initiative likely originated within the military, possibly under Zhang Youxia’s direction.
Inside He Weidong’s leaked defense
He’s defense, reportedly thousands of words long, is a rare glimpse into China’s opaque military hierarchy. In it, he chronicles his decades-long service, rebuts corruption allegations, and pleads for “a fair trial and recognition of loyalty.” Some of the highlights included:
- A bond with Xi forged in Fujian: He claims he met Xi during a joint logistics inspection in Fujian when Xi was a provincial leader. The two “worked side by side and became like-minded colleagues.” Upon his post–20th Party Congress promotion, He said he felt “humbled, not ambitious,” describing his service as “an entrusted duty, not a thirst for power.”
- Loyalty and obedience: He repeatedly emphasized his “absolute loyalty” to Xi and pleaded for Xi to “personally clarify the truth.”
- The Langfang Special Action Force controversy: He defended the establishment of a special unit in Langfang, Hebei, as a crisis-response measure proposed by Miao Hua and approved “verbally” by Xi. He admitted a “procedural oversight” for failing to report the plan to Zhang Youxia but denied forming any “private army.”
- Disputes with Zhang Youxia: He acknowledged “differences in strategic perspective and personnel policy” but described them as “internal discussions, not confrontation.”
- Denial of corruption and coercion: He rejected allegations of bribery or coup plotting, saying all actions were guided by Party orders and “collective decisions, not personal ambition.”
He concluded the lengthy statement by appealing for a “just verdict in the name of a soldier”, vowing that if cleared, he would “continue to defend the honor of the military.”
The Xi–Zhang–He power struggle
The defense speech sheds light on the complex web of loyalty and rivalry at the core of China’s military leadership. Zhang Youxia, a “red aristocrat” and the son of a revolutionary general, embodies the old guard’s power in the PLA. Xi Jinping, wary of Zhang’s entrenched influence, elevated He Weidong in 2022 as a counterweight to Zhang, granting him near-unprecedented authority as CMC vice chairman.
But He’s rapid ascent and assertive anti-corruption efforts alienated Zhang’s camp. As tensions rose, personal trust gave way to paranoia — a dynamic reminiscent of Mao’s fraught relationship with Lin Biao during the Cultural Revolution.
At the heart of the scandal is the Langfang Special Operations Force, described by He as a short-lived “rapid-response unit.” But according to whistleblower and former Party School professor Cai Xia, the unit was equipped at division scale, based just 40 kilometers from Beijing, and answered only to He, Miao Hua, and Xi.
Cai called it “a personal army loyal solely to Xi Jinping,” a direct violation of the Party’s doctrine that “the Party commands the gun.” Zhang Youxia reportedly moved swiftly, ordering the force’s dissolution and the arrests of He and Miao—a move that may have saved him politically.
But Xi’s downfall is part of a wider collapse of his inner military circle, experts note. Xi’s longtime confidant Zhong Shaojun, once his powerful aide in the CMC, was quietly reassigned to the National Defense University in 2024, effectively sidelined. His replacement, Xia Zhihe, has since vanished from public appearances. Similarly, Fang Yongxiang, another Xi loyalist, was absent from the Fourth Plenum and is rumored to be under investigation.
These disappearances, analysts warn, signal a breakdown in Xi’s chain of command and a possible erosion of his control over the armed forces.
A potential truce?
Following the plenum, Zhang Shengmin was appointed CMC vice chairman and head of the military disciplinary commission. However, his omission from the Politburo — a break from tradition — has fueled speculation. Commentator Li Muyang offered three interpretations:
- A show of Xi’s consolidation: Zhang has long been close to Xi since his disaster relief work during the 2010 Yushu earthquake. His loyalty is unquestioned, and his appointment ensures at least nominal control.
- A victory for Zhang Youxia: Zhang Shengmin’s exclusion from the Politburo hints that Xi could not push through his full influence. His ties to the “Shaanxi faction” suggest a compromise shaped by Zhang Youxia.
- A mutual compromise: Zhang Shengmin, a cautious bureaucrat with ties across factions, represents a “temporary ceasefire” between the Xi and Zhang camps.
His low-profile swearing-in, which was witnessed only by Li Hongzhong, with no official photos released to the media stood in stark contrast to He Weidong’s high-profile 2023 ceremony attended by Xi himself.
But He’s case reveals deep structural flaws within the PLA: ad hoc unit formation, opaque command channels, and anti-corruption used as a political weapon. With nearly 40 percent of generals reportedly under investigation, morale has plummeted, and combat readiness has eroded—echoing the post–Cultural Revolution disarray of the 1970s.
Highest stakes
According to insider and veteran commentator Lao Deng, the current crisis has exposed “two centers of power within Zhongnanhai”: the official Xi-led leadership and a shadow ‘central coordination group’ steering decisions from behind the scenes.
Xi’s recent concessions during the Busan Trump–Xi meeting, including delaying rare earth export restrictions, pledging $500 billion in U.S. purchases, and softening rhetoric on Taiwan, suggest his domestic power may already be constrained.
The purge and subsequent instability are reshaping regional dynamics. U.S. and Taiwanese analysts see a window of opportunity amid China’s weakened chain of command. The turbulence has also undermined Beijing’s deterrence credibility, raising questions among allies about Xi’s authority. “The He Weidong trial is more than a corruption case — it’s a mirror of a regime in decline,” said one Chinese military scholar in exile. “When loyalty becomes a liability, power begins to consume itself.”
As the CCP’s anti-corruption storm enters yet another phase, the balance of power within the Chinese military — and Xi Jinping’s grip on it — appears more precarious than ever.
Editor’s Note: The information in this article is based on publicly available Chinese-language reports and unverified independent commentary from multiple sources.
