By Yang Tianzi
As the vote counting for the 51st House of Representatives election entered its final stages late at night, a result that shocked Japanese politics was confirmed: the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), led by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, not only achieved an overwhelming victory but also won over 300 seats on its own. This number not only broke the 300-seat record set during Yasuhiro Nakasone’s administration in 1986 but also established the highest seat count in the LDP’s history since its founding in 1955 (the so-called “1955 system”).
This election result completely shattered the opposition’s defenses and officially announced Japan’s entry into an era of “Takaichi’s dominance” under a super-strong leadership.
Historic numbers surpass the ‘Nakasone barrier’ of absolute dominance
According to final vote counts by Asahi Shimbun and NHK, the House of Representatives election contested a total of 465 seats (289 single-member districts and 176 proportional representation seats). Before the election, the LDP held 198 seats, and together with the Japan Innovation Party, which held 34 seats, their combined total was 232. However, the election results revealed a wave of public support far exceeding expectations.
The LDP alone secured over 300 seats, meaning it not only easily surpassed the 233-seat majority required in the House but also far exceeded the “absolute stable majority” of 261 seats, enough to dominate all standing committees and secure chair positions.
Success
You are now signed up for our newsletter
Success
Check your email to complete sign up
Even more strategically significant was the breakthrough in the constitutional amendment threshold. With the LDP and the Japan Innovation Party—aligned on constitutional reform—holding a combined total of over 310 seats, they surpassed the critical two-thirds mark (310 seats) in the House. Under Japan’s constitution, this means that even if the House of Councillors vetoes a bill, the House of Representatives can override it with a two-thirds majority, effectively granting the Takaichi Cabinet unprecedented legislative authority and providing the LDP with real conditions to pursue its long-standing constitutional reform goals.
Nikkei reported that the LDP demonstrated remarkable dominance in single-member districts. Beyond its traditional strongholds, in Gunma, Shizuoka, Shiga, Nara, Okayama, Tottori, Yamaguchi, Tokushima, Kochi, and Kumamoto, LDP candidates nearly achieved “clean sweeps.” In proportional representation, vote shares also surged, and the number of seats is expected to far exceed the previous 59.
Opposition collapses; ‘Centrist Reform Alliance’ suffers devastating defeat
In stark contrast to the LDP’s sweeping victory, opposition forces collapsed. The “Centrist Reform Alliance,” formed by the Constitutional Democratic Party and other parties, held 167 seats before the election and aimed to challenge the government but suffered a devastating defeat, with its seats nearly halved.
Most shocking was the “domino-style loss” of heavyweight opposition figures, with Japanese media calling this election “the twilight of opposition giants.”
- Ichiro Ozawa’s final chapter: Once called the “Iron Fist” and “Election God,” Ozawa lost in Iwate’s single-member district. Due to strategic mistakes, he could not revive his seat through proportional representation, meaning the legendary figure, who dominated Japanese politics for half a century, would lose his parliamentary status.
- Jun Azumi’s Waterloo: Jun Azumi, former co-secretary-general of the centrist bloc from the Constitutional Democratic Party, also lost in Miyagi’s single-member district.
- Katsuya Okada and Koichiro Genba exit: Former Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada (known as the “Nagatacho Principle Master”) and former House of Representatives Vice Speaker Koichiro Genba both unexpectedly lost their single-member districts.
The key reason for these “double defeats” (losing both the single-member district and failing to revive via proportional representation) was the complex and failed electoral coordination between the Centrist Reform Alliance and the Komeito Party. Reports noted that due to certain strategic arrangements (or Komeito’s strong positioning in proportional lists), major figures like Azumi and Ozawa were pushed to the back of the proportional representation list. Once they lost their single-member districts, there was no fallback. Okada, meanwhile, did not register for proportional representation at all and exited parliament directly.
This result effectively “decapitated” the opposition leadership, making it difficult for them to form an effective oversight force in the coming years.
‘Takaichi whirlwind’ sweeps Saitama; Taiwan son-in-law Yamaguchi Shin makes triumphant return
Saitama’s election results were particularly representative and closely followed by Taiwanese readers. The LDP launched a “red wave” in Saitama, securing 12 of the 16 single-member districts by late night, with the remaining four districts also leading, likely achieving “total control” of Saitama.
The 10th district (covering Higashimatsuyama City, Sakado City, and Hiki District) attracted special attention. Former LDP representative Yamaguchi Shin, known as the “Taiwan son-in-law,” successfully avenged his previous loss by defeating the incumbent from the Centrist Reform Alliance, Sakamoto Yunosuke, regaining his seat.
Yamaguchi’s victory was seen as a direct reflection of Prime Minister Takaichi’s personal charisma. During the campaign, Takaichi personally visited Higashimatsuyama to campaign for Yamaguchi, attracting packed crowds. The “Takaichi whirlwind” energized both LDP grassroots and nonpartisan voters.
In his victory speech, Yamaguchi stated: “The past year and three months in opposition was the most valuable time in my political life.” He emphasized having visited every station and shopping street in the district, directly hearing citizens’ concerns over rising prices and daily burdens.
“Japan’s future must be built by the young generation with dreams,” he said, noting that this victory is not an endpoint but the beginning of responsibility. As a Taiwan son-in-law, his election also adds a strong bridge to Japan-Taiwan relations in parliament.
In addition to the 10th district, Saitama’s 9th district also delivered good news. Former LDP representative Otsuka Taku defeated opposition’s Sugimura Shinji, securing his 6th term. These victories collectively boosted the LDP’s overall seat count.
Takaichi’s ‘long-term governance’ blueprint
With the election results finalized, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s political status is unshakable.
She is expected to be re-nominated as the 104th Prime Minister at the upcoming special Diet session in February and immediately form the “Second Takaichi Cabinet.” Given the historic landslide, Takaichi has indicated that “cabinet personnel will not undergo major changes,” signaling continuity in policies, including the “New National Resilience Plan” and proactive security measures.
With a two-thirds majority in the House (LDP + Innovation Party > 310 seats), constitutional revision is no longer a “theoretical possibility” but a “practical agenda.” The Takaichi Cabinet is expected to accelerate efforts to explicitly enshrine the Self-Defense Forces in Article 9 and may initiate a national referendum during her term.
Achieving the highest seat count since the party’s founding means Takaichi no longer needs to painfully balance power among factions like previous LDP presidents. She now has sufficient public mandate to implement her will, which will speed up government decision-making but also raise concerns about “over-concentration of power.”
A new era in Japanese politics
The Feb. 8, 2026, election is undoubtedly a watershed in postwar Japanese political history.
On one hand, it marks the LDP’s evolution from “dominant party” to “absolute hegemon,” with Sanae Takaichi as a veritable “Iron Lady.” On the other hand, it witnesses the complete collapse of old-era opposition forces, with figures like Ichiro Ozawa losing their seats, symbolizing the official end of Heisei-era political entanglements.
For Taiwan, Yamaguchi Shin’s election and the consolidation of Takaichi’s government signal that Japan-Taiwan relations will enter a closer, more proactive phase, led by Japan. However, with constitutional revision and security issues heating up domestically, East Asia’s geopolitical landscape is expected to undergo significant shifts.
Japan has now entered the “Takaichi-dominated” new era.
